A Sociology of the World Rally Championship: History, Identity, Memories and Place

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A Sociology of the World Rally Championship: History, Identity, Memories and Place

Add to Wishlist. USD Sign in to Purchase Instantly. Overview Drawing upon interviews with key people in the World Rally Championship as well as trans-local ethnographic research, this book explores questions of commerciality and sporting identity, tackling the sport's controversial handling of the shift into 'the commercial age'. Table of Contents 1. Average Review. Write a Review. Related Searches. View Product. This book questions the presupposition voiced by many historians and political scientists that political experiences This book questions the presupposition voiced by many historians and political scientists that political experiences in Europe continue to be interpreted in terms of national history, and that a European community of remembrance still does not exist.

Please allow additional time for delivery to your address. See the Delivery tab below for more details. Synopsis Product Details Delivery Drawing upon interviews with key people in the World Rally Championship as well as trans-local ethnographic research, this book explores questions of commerciality and sporting identity, tackling the sport's controversial handling of the shift into 'the commercial age'.

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Payment methods: Proudly secured by:. Copyright All rights reserved. Please sign in to continue. Continue with Facebook Continue with Twitter. Don't have an account? For four years the three of us would meet regularly at each other's houses talking about the factory, how we were getting along in making friends and influencing people"contacts" was the word we usedand how we could push our extremely conservative local of the United Auto Workers in a more progressive direction. As you can imagine, given that the industrial concentration strategy was misguided to begin with, and to make matters worse, we were trying to colonize what was sadly one of the more conservative sectors of the society, the American working class, and add to all that the fact that it was , the height of the hysteria brought on by McCarthyism and the Korean War, it's not surprising that we got absolutely nowhere.

The best we could point to were the friends we had made in the plant, who once in a whilebut only a rare whileconsented to go to a union meeting with us. What workers care most about in deciding whether to accept a new man in the informal work group is how good he does his joband I say "man" and "he" because we were all men on the shop floor at International Harvester then.

And Bob did excellent work on his punch press, and at times on another machine, the shears. He wasn't quite as loose in shooting the breeze as Burt was, but he still earned enough respect to serve as his department's shop steward. And as I walked by his work station, I could see that he was on very friendly terms with several of the young Mexican American workers, namely Johnnie Rivera and Johnnie Mena. Whether they visited back and forth at each others homes as Burt and I did with several of the plant's Negro workers, and I also did with a white guy from Arkansas who had befriended me, I no longer remember.

I used to think that of all my comrades from the s, Bob Alford was the least likely to have become a Red. I thought that because he seemed to beand wasa normal, well-adjusted, and happy person. Without any of the deep core of alienation that in my case had come from growing up in an unhappy family with a silent withdrawn father.

That may be so, but as I recently learned from Roger Friedland, Bob's grandfather had been a lumber worker and a Wobbly, that is a member of the anarcho-syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World, perhaps the most authentically Americanas well as Western and militant--radical movement American society has known. Today I believe that Bob's becoming a Communist is best explained by one over-arching quality, his essential goodness.

Bob Alford was the most unequivocally good human being I've ever known. His growing radicalism didn't come from a wild-eyed youthful idealism. It went deeper than that. It came, instead, from a an urgent desire to do good, to make the world a better place. So that even when we all had to admit that our early efforts to change the world had not borne fruit, Bob never ceased trying to do good, in politics, in community and university affairs, and above all in his work as a professor and as a father to his three children.

It was one year after the end of World War II, so he had missed being drafted to fight in that conflict by a mere year. At Berkeley he would become first active in, and then the president of, Stiles Hall, the campus YMCA, at the the time its leading liberal organization. As part of our "boring from within" tactics, communists worked in such "mass orgs" as the Y, looking for potential recruits and it was there that Bob met the man who brought him into the Labor Youth League.

But as he told me two years ago when I was interviewing old friends about why they had become Reds in the sa most unlikely timewhat most influenced Bob was not any one person or group of people. Nor was it ideology. It was music. What made music such a fitting vehicle is that it speaks to the heart. And Bob was a man with a big heart. He was also a fine classical pianist, played regularly in the s in a Berkeley chanber group led by a brilliant cellist, Dick Anastasia.

But it was folk music that would move him politically. The late s was the beginning of the folk music revival in America. Leadbelly and Woody Guthrie were gaining big followings on college campuses. Bob heard their music sung by Pete Seeger, but it was the songs of Earl Robinson that most influenced him. Bob graduated Cal and went on to work for an M.

President Harry Truman had set the process in motion in when he ordered that federal employees must sign affadavits that they did not belong to the Communist Party or any organization advocating the forcible overthrow of the U. The oath was universally despised as a blatant violation of academic freedom. But except for a few brave souls, who years later were exonerated when the law was overturned, most of the faculty caved in and signed.

The oath settled it for Bob. Knowing that if he went on for his Ph. D he'd have to sign just to work his way through school as a teaching assistant, he finished his master's degree and left Cal.

The man who thinks Europe has been invaded

Bob never regretted the years he spent at Harvester. We both felt that there was no other place that could have taught us so much about American society. But by the beginning of , with almost four years under our belts, we were getting restless. The work had gotten old and it had become even more clear that we would never be successful in organizing our fellow workers. And there were all the ambitions to make something of ourselves, to become successful in a profession, that we had put to rest for so long. The same Stalin who in my first year at IHC had made me feel safe, even as a group of right-wing Irishmen were baiting me as a "Jew-Communist," because with him at the helm in Moscow, all was right with the world.

Stalin's death in March would in time lead to a thaw in the Cold War. Tensions eased measurably when the Korean War ended that summer. At home McCarthyism would be dealt a death blow a year later when the Senator from Wisconsin's hearings into subversive activities in the Army backfired. Years later I would learn that Harvester knew all along that we were communists, but had considered us too harmless to get rid of. Our more politically minded fellow workers also knew what we were up to.

Bob may have been red-baited less than I was, because he didn't stand out as a Jew. Our comrade Burt took the most flack, because he was not only a "Jew-Communist like me," but was also married to a Negro woman. But Burt was so unapologetically matter-of-fact about his wife, and also his politicsalthough none of us ever revealed the full extent of our radicalismthat he was probably the most accepted and the most politically effective of us.

Burt's wife Bru and Ginny, to whom I was then married, were as died-in-the-wool true believers as their husbands. But Gloria never bought into our illusions that the Soviet Union was a workers' paradise or that socialism in America was virtually around the corner. Her healthy skepticism undoubtedly gave Bob a somewhat greater sense of political reality than was typical among Communists and fellow travellers in the s. For weeks we talked about the Report and what it meant for us.

Meanwhile our friends and comrades were beginning to leave the Party and the LYL. First in trickles, then in droves. For people like Bob and myself, it meant we had a second chance. The same American society which, only a few years earlier, might have locked us up in concentration campsfor the McCarran Act had actually provided for the rounding up of dangerous subversives in a national emergencywas now saying that our future was open.

For two years in the late s Bob and I ate lunch together every day, sitting in the sun in front of the Campanile. Bob and I still packed the same black metal lunch boxes we had used in the factory, but it was what was inside Bob's that provoked the same wonder and jokes that it had at Harvester. Our return to Berkeley came at an opportune time. A new department was being built by Herbert Blumer that would soon be the best in the country.

Blumer and his former student Tam Shibutani had a huge following of grad students interested in social psychology that included Tom Scheff and Arlene Caplan Daniels. The curriculum for students of class, social movements, politics, and work at the time couldn't have been more tailor-made for Bob and me. The books on the Ph. Art Stinchcombe turned me on to Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution and I also learned a great deal from the anarchist theorists, Bakunin and Kropotkin.

Although I became an industrial and Bob a political sociologist, we both soon found ourselves Marty Lipset's star students. The year after I was Marty's research assistant for a book on social mobility, Bob became his leading assistant, doing much of the spade work, and even some of the writing, for the classic text Political Man. What strikes me now as remarkable, looking back over 45 years, is how we remained good friends, indeed comrades, without falling prey to a competition that would have been natural, given that our relation to our mentor made us virtually sibling rivals.

And given also the dog-eat-dog nature of the academic world. I attribute that mostly to Bob and his impressive inner securityhe never needed to feel better than someone else to feel good about himself. After eight years in which we had seen each other practically every day, Bob left the Bay Area to teach at the University of Wisconsin. A dedicated and selfless teacher, his career took off at Madison and he was the first of our peer group to be promoted to tenure. Still, we managed to see each other at least once a year, at ASA meetings, or when he arranged for me to be invited to Madison to deliver a talk.

The cause of death was pancreatic cancer. He was Professor Berger's research and writing covered several fields, including suburbanization, youth culture , counter-culture and communes. Such a bare recital of "fields" a term he hated does injustice to the thrust of his interest.

He was focused on the images of public attention. Thus in his first book, "Working-Class Suburb: A study of Auto Workers in Suburbia" he asked: "Does living in suburbs create a unique style of life or do residents continue to practice the cultures they bring with them? Residence in suburbia had little effect on styles of life. Berger concluded that the idea of a suburban culture was a myth. But he did not stop there. He was interested in why and to whom the myth existed, for some as an aspiration, for others a nightmare.

His interest in the cultures of America and the images of them in public discourse was the center of his formidable contributions to Sociology. He published a number of papers and book reviews on what he called the myth of a unique American youth culture He criticized the view that adolescent culture was unique to youth. For Berger it was at one with the American emphasis on glamour, romance, sports and popularity backed up by parents' and the schools' efforts to promote solidarity. These themes of cultural imagery were continued in his many papers and other books.

Here again his focus is on the self-images of the commune dwellers and the contrary actions which practical activities demanded. What he called "ideological work" was the ways this was made acceptable. As he often said, he was born in Brooklyn, raised in the Bronx but did not grow up until he came to Berkeley as an adult. Was a high school athlete and once tried out for the NY Giant farm system.

He was, for a brief time, a singer with a popular music band.

Bibliographic Information

He did his undergraduate work at Hunter College and has a Ph. He was a faculty member in the School of Communications at the University of Illinois. He joined UCSD ten years later. At UCSD he served as Chair for three years; was active on many committees and since retirement in was on the advisory group for the Theatre and Dance Department.

I got my Ph. UCPress published it unchanged in and After year lecturing at Berkely, my first ladder job was at the University of Illinois which gave me tenure in While there I began studying and writing on youth and was eventually given a large grant by NIMH for field research on child rearing in Hippie communes. That research produced several Ph.

In a collection of my essays was published. In the late 70s I was Editor of Contemporary Sociology. At San Diego I chaired the committees of several first class Ph. Ds some mediocre ones too and continued writing lots of reviews and review-essays. I retired in and don't do much sociology anymore though I continue to write a lot, mostly not for publication.

Berkeley shaped my way of thinking by its theoretical diversity which prevented me from ever becoming a partisan of a particular "school of thought. I doubt that "my" sociology has shaped the world in any way. The poet Auden is often quoted as saying "poetry makes nothing happen" an exaggeration of course, which makes it quotable.

Sociology also seldom makes anything happen, maybe because its structural way of thinking is deeply offensive to American individualism which is why economics which knows perhaps even less than we do has become the dominant social science. He had been on the faculty at the University of Colorado Boulder. He was promoted to associate professor and then full professor during his tenure.

He chaired the department from to He also taught theory and social organization, both at the graduate and undergraduate level. He always had a group of students, both undergraduates and graduates, who followed him around and who were greatly influenced by him. He was an imposing figure.

He could talk on and on about many topics, always giving an insightful analysis, even when discussing baseball statistics! He retired in at the age of 70 and died in Los Angeles in at age Alex was extremely bright, very well read, a macro sociologist in the best tradition of those graduating from the sociology department at Berkeley in those days. He knew history, read history and combined his historical knowledge with the sociological perspective.

In that sense, he was I would guess a product of the Teggart-influenced department at Berkeley. Alex did not publish much, but took his passion and considerable erudition into the areas union organizing and politics, especially his involvement over the years with the Democratic Socialists of America. He was a close friend of Michael Harrington, for example.

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He helped organize the first faculty union on the campus. He was one of the original seven members of the founding AFT chapter. Garber was interested in both the professionalization of faculty and the unionization of faculty. For him this was not a contradiction. Through professionalism faculty gained a voice in running the university in ways they thought were best for students and for themselves, and through unionization faculty gained support for increased resources such as graduate TA's, travel money, assigned time for research, etc.

When I came to CSU Sacramento in as a young man just out of graduate school, it was the first time in my life that I was in a position to interact with faculty members as a peer. Alex was older and wiser. I learned a great deal from him, as he was one of my early mentors. My Ph. D was preceded by an M. My first teaching position was at the University of Hawaii, for ten years, and then Northern Illinois University, in DeKalb, for the next 16, including a stint as department chair.

I retired in , and live in Alpine County, on the eastern slope of the Sierra Nevada mountains, about 40 miles southeast of Lake Tahoe. The county has the smallest population in the state, about 1,; our local community, Woodfords, has some residents. My perspective was shaped by my experiences as a child in the Great Depression, which included observing a broker negotiating with people who would return to sell their gold fillings and crowns, after removing them from their mouth; working the swing shift as a turret lathe operator in the industrial part of Chicago while attending classes during the day, and participating in the labor movement in the places where I lived.

Berkeley's radical groups and activities influenced a socialist orientation. Classes with Herbert Blumer and Tamotsu Shibutani, especially Blumer's social movements work, suggested ways of achieving change to improve people's lives. Because of a talent in art I began at Berkeley as an art major. However, the realization that few newspapers would appreciate work highly critical of capitalism led me to abandon that goal.


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The Berkeley milieu encouraged a reorientation, and a key influence which eventually led to graduate work in sociology was one of Marty Lipset's classes. While a Ph. D candidate at Berkeley I was president of the sociology graduate students association and one of the founders and first editor of the Berkeley Journal of Sociology. My main interest continues to be stratification and class, and was reflected in my teaching and research, with special concern for the underprivileged. As a faculty member and citizen I have tried to apply sociological knowledge to improve conditions in academe and the community.

I was politically active in DeKalb as well as in Alpine County upon retirement. In Alpine, as an elected member of the county school board, I was responsible for establishing a voting district containing most of the county's Native Americans. For years none was on the school board, even though a quarter of the population was Native American as were half the students.

For many years I was a board member of the county arts commission, and presently am on the boards of the historical society and the Alpine County Democratic Central Committee. Thus, in a sense, my interest in art, sociology, and politics has come full circle. Arlene Kaplan Daniels, whose colorful, witty, and generous presence enlivened the field of sociology, died in her sleep on January 29, at the age of As a young girl, Arlene Kaplan moved with her family from New York City to Los Angeles, where her parents owned a small natural foods store. She majored in English but turned toward sociology after taking a course with Tamotsu Shibutani.

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With his encouragement, she entered the Berkeley sociology graduate program in and completed her Ph. Eliminate the middleman! At that time, Arlene observes, the male model appeared to be the only pathway available; in fact, she was the only woman in her cohort to complete the Ph. During her graduate school years Arlene met her future husband, Richard Daniels, in a carpool to the opera; they married and settled on the Peninsula, where he worked in hospital administration.

The Berkeley faculty helped male students find jobs, but as a woman, Arlene was on her own, in part because some of the faculty began to see her as a housewife.

She kept her connection to sociology alive by doing research supported by grants and contracts. She joined other faculty who supported the student strike over demands for Black studies and ethnic studies programs and, as a result, she was denied tenure. She and others wrote a book, Academics on the Line , about this experience. Devastated by losing her academic job, Arlene returned to the world of grant hustling. Thus began what Arlene later described as her second professional and career conversion.

I felt rage at what I had endured and terrible sorrow for all that had hampered me. I resolved to help younger women, to protect them against the systematic frustration and neglect that I had experienced. Arlene also became a consummate mentor, reaching out to women sociologists everywhere. She offered advice, wrote references, edited papers, stayed in touch, and connected people to one another. The broad-brimmed hats Arlene wore, with flair, to professional meetings became a signature of her presence, taking up space like umbrellas that invited us to come in out of the rains of competition and hostility that too often dampen academic lives.

She flourished there, teaching, mentoring Ph. Colleagues there and elsewhere comment on her talent not only for getting things done, but also for making meetings fun. She also used humor to demystify the powerful. Once, according to her colleague, Rae Moses, the Organization of Women Faculty met in an imposing hall with oil portraits of the former Presidents of Northwestern. Arlene entered the room and threw her coat over one of the portraits. The other women did the same, and the meeting began with laughter.

Arlene Daniels relished friendship and food; she and her beloved Richard regularly went to the opera and made the most of travel in Europe. After she retired from Northwestern in , she moved back to California and taught part-time at her alma mater. Richard Daniels died last April. Arlene Daniels enriched the lives of those who knew her, across generations; she fought for social justice and opened many doors for others; and she built organizations that continue to do good work.

Gifts in her memory can be sent to the Arlene Kaplan Daniels Fund, an award for graduate students doing research on gender. Or donate online at www.

Daniels obituary. UC Berkeley was a terrific opportunity in the late 40's. I came to Berkeley, to get away from home. I was poor, but it only cost twenty - five dollars a semester. As an undergraduate English major, I stumbled into graduate school through my admiration for Tamotsu Shibutani. Fortunately, a characteristic of the department at that time was benign neglect. You prepared to take the exams anyway you wished, with the list of great books of sociology as your guide. But I made a happy landing at Northwestern University in l as a full Professor where I spent the next twenty years.

I found I could use what I had learned, primarily from Shibutani and Blumer, especially abut the Chicago School, but also from Selvin, Bock and Nisbet, in my research and teaching. I made my way in professional circles as editor and President of Social Problems, as council member and secretary of the American Sociological Association and as a founder and then president of Sociologists for Women in Society. I valued my colleague and the opportunity to work with graduate students and produce PhDs at Northwestern. I produced a modest canon, using the qualitative and analytic methods learned in graduate school, to study the field of occupations and professions, and, the place of women in work.

I came to Berkeley first as an undergraduate in , after doing three years in Forestry at Oregon State College now University in Corvallis. In those first three years, I found myself becoming more interested in people than in trees. But apparently the powers that were wanted to win that war, so they sent me to France. I served out my term, met a fine French woman who became my wife, and then on discharge, won a Fullbright Fellowship to study in Copenhagen.

Organizational sociology had got into my blood. In , with French wife, a new baby and University of Copenhagen degree, we returned to Berkeley to resume graduate studies. Those were heady times. All of us had been out between undergraduate and graduate studies, and some before, mostly in some kind of protest movement. Friedland, Stinchcombe, Alford, Blauner, Daniels and many others were part of that cohort.

Someone mentioned benign neglect. That was certainly the faculty orientation toward us at those times. If there were brown bags, we students organized them. If there was something for those fine visiting professors like Rene Koenig, we students organized it. Faculty had offices without names on their doors. We could see them 2 hours a week in the 'bull pen' where open desks found them at obligatory 'office hours.

Four of us accidentally formed a 'sub-seminar' at the beginning of one of Shibutani's classes. Bill Friedland, Dorothy Anderson now Mariner , Ernest Landauer and I fell in together and met regularly every Wednesday evening for the rest of our studies. We taught each other a great deal; I wonder if it was more or less than we learned from our professors.

They did inspire and they imparted knowledge, but it was our peers who provided a far more fundamental kind of intellectual sustenance. On graduation I was fortunate to receive a four-year post-doctoral grant with the Institute of Current World Affairs. This was primarily the work of Wolfram Eberhard, who seems now in retrospect to have been the only professor even thinking about students' next steps. By this time my wife and I had a second child and we spent the next four years steeping ourselves in Southeast Asia and having a third son.

I was hired sight unseen and became one of Michigan's 13 new assistant professors in Michigan proved to be something of an antithesis to Berkeley. There, we were roughly graduate students left to fend for ourselves.


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  5. There were three teaching Assistantships and one department fellowship. At Michigan I found graduate students all supported by department grants. Faculty at Michigan entrepreneured for their students, finding foundation and government grants to support graduate students. I'm not sure which was best. At Berkeley we were all old organizers, so the lack of faculty leadership was no problem.

    We organized and learned. At Michigan students were drawn in and shepherded through their studies. I see advantages and disadvantages at both ends, and have no idea how to produce a net effect. At Michigan I found a fine Sociology department, with great resources, superb colleagues, and support for whatever I wanted to do. I also found the single best university in the world to study Asia, and have been involved there ever since.

    I have maintained work in Southeast Asia. This would have been impossible had I returned to Berkeley when I had an offer in Remember that then even Bendix had to leave the department due to the intense and acrimonious disputes, where, as he put it, 'there was no milk of human kindness. The Vietnam War tore Berkeley apart. At Michigan it produced a highly creative form of protest, 'the Teach-Ins. Michigan is older, of course, and with Harvard in the 's was at the forefront of another national protest in the Anti-Imperialist League.

    And so I stayed, teaching courses in the sociology of economic development; taking organizational analysis into national and international development organizations, into international population planning, policies and organizations, and finally into the intricate realms of population-development environment analyses.

    I have continued to work in Asia, even in retirement. Berkeley gave me the joy of the sociological imagination, as we called it then; it gave be Wolfram Eberhard who led me into the rich life of Asian societies; it gave me fellow students who taught me much and have remained life long friends. That it a heady mixture indeed.

    At Berkeley, my basic approach to sociology, social psychology, and social science grew out of my contact with T. My contact with Goffman and his work was also influential, even though it was many years before I felt its full effect. From Shibutani I learned the importance of integrating theory and empirical work, and of attempting to develop an integrated social science, especially combining the social and the psychological.

    Later in my career, I began to understand Goffman's work in this way also, even though he himself took care not to develop these themes explicitly. The two major areas in my sociology have been the societal reaction to deviance, on the one hand, and shame and the social bond, on the other. My theoretical and empirical work on labeling has been influential in many fields and has had considerable impact on the actual treatment of the mentally ill. In particular, my Being Mentally Ill ; was one ofthe key sources of the reform of the mental health laws of California in , and subsequently in all the other states.

    My work on shame and the social bond, begun in the mid's, has also been influential, particularly in two areas, protracted conflict in families and between large groups. This influence is still a work in progress, however, since it requires integration of many different approaches and perspectives. In particular, it formulates links between individual psychology, interpersonal relations, and social institutions. Professor Tamotsu Shibutani, my dissertation adviser, invited me to work with him on a special project after I received my Ph.

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    I began my teaching career at Ohio University. After a quarter at the U. My personal turmoils matched that of the department, which was gutted by the loyalty oath issue but resurrected by Blumer. An undergraduate course with Bock on the Idea of Progress stabilized my direction; I was not going to write the great American novel, sociology was easier. With an equally stunning group of fellow graduate students to learn from, and Bendix MA thesis and Selznick PhD thesis as mentors, I drifted into organizational analysis because there was almost no literature to read I still am a slow reader.

    Berkeley student unrest broke out just as I left for my first job at Michigan; we had been the silent generation, but the leftist urges were all about me. Graduate student life at Berkeley, of course, was idyllic, compared to that of an assistant professor in the Michigan department, which encouraged me to leave after five years. My cohort was good, but the market was even better as universities, sociology, organizations, and organizational theory grew; it was easy to be tenured, easy to move on.

    Berkeley encouraged my critical stance toward my field and toward society; Michigan didn't, but when I was tenured at Wisconsin I could say what I pleased and had the freedom to leave that university in protest over its repression of anti-Vietnam war activities. Happenstance, almost a normal accident" immersed me in the Three Mile Island story and vectored my career for over a decade.

    But last year I finally published a cherished project on the origins of U. I was greatly influenced by the global outlook of Reinhard Bendix who wrote the forward to the publication of my thesis by UC Press. I have been a guest lecturer at the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, a symposium on modern Italy at Columbia University, and keynote speaker at a conference at Alma College.

    Swiss National Radio interviewed me on social change in America. I have taught courses in formal organizations, sociology of deviant behavior, social change, social theory, social structure and economic change, and political theory. My research positions have included research assistant to Clark Kerr, one of principal investigators on the Mexican American project of patterns of work and settlement, and principal investigator of internal migration in Italy.

    My publications include several studies on Mexican Americans, and work and modernization in Italy published in different Italian and American journals. I have been a manuscript consultant for several presses and journals. I don't know if or how I have shaped the world, but I have participated in several important activities such as faculty consultant to the Scope Project of the Southern Christian Conference, statewide consultant for California Rural Poverty Projects, consultant for Dimension Films on social change, and co-founder of a UCLA faculty group to identify, encourage, and counsel high potential high school students in Watts, California which became an Academic Senate committee feeding Upward Bound programs.

    Today, I spend much time renewing my guitar repertory from my former jazz musician days and writing new songs in my own special style. I have one thing left to do And then there was my plea in at an ASA session to stop ignoring the flow of money as a key to understanding organizational behavior.

    Wish me luck. Ida R. Hoos, a prominent critic of assessing technology solely on the basis of mathematical models that failed to take account of societal factors, died on April 24 in Boston. She was 94 and lived in Brookline, Mass. The cause was complications of a lingering case of pneumonia, said Judith Hoos Fox, her daughter. Hoos, a sociologist, was widely recognized as an outspoken critic of systems analysis, which came to prominence after World War II.

    The approach used mathematical models to perform cost-benefit analyses and risk assessments on complex technologies like radar systems and military aircraft. Hoos wrote in in the journal Technological Forecasting and Social Change. Harold A. Linstone, emeritus professor of systems science at Portland State University and longtime editor in chief of Technological Forecasting and Social Change, said Dr.

    Hoos was in many ways the intellectual conscience in the field of technology assessment. Linstone said. Hoos also questioned the usefulness of systems analysis when evaluating public policy. Ida Simone Russakoff was born on Oct. Her parents were immigrants from Russia, her father a jeweler. She graduated from Radcliffe in In , she married Sidney S.

    Hoos, an economist. The couple later moved to Berkeley, where Mr. Hoos taught in the agricultural economics department at the University of California. Ida Hoos began to pursue her Ph. Hoos remained at the University of California as a research sociologist, first at its Institute of Industrial Relations, then at the Space Sciences Laboratory. At the laboratory, where she was the lone social scientist, she expressed concern over the effect of satellite surveillance on individual privacy. She retired from the university in In addition to her daughter Judith, of Boston, she is survived by another daughter, Phyllis Daniels of Goldendale, Wash.

    In an unpublished memoir, she wrote of serving in the s on a high-level committee at the Congressional Office of Technology Assessment. The committee had a preponderance of aerospace industrialists.

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    On Jan. UC Berkeley was an important step in the way sociology influenced my career. My undergraduate years at Radcliffe, under the wonderful inspiration of Gordon Allport, had already provided the template to guide me. With many branches and myriad activities, it is recognized for its service to the entire community.

    Marriage to Sidney S. My main focus was Fannie Farmer and Dr. Spock, with Kuchen and Kinder all-important, while our two daughters grew up and Sid kept the armed forces in the far-flung theatres of war supplied. After the war, we returned to Berkeley, Sid much honored for his service and greatly advanced on the academic ladder. A sabbatical at Harvard for Sid meant a refresher at the Pierian Spring for me. A return to ivy-clad Emerson Hall inspired me to desert Girl Scout cookie sales. Gordon Allport exhorted me: You just mustn't stay graduated. Herb Blumer smoothed all the administrative hurdles.

    My sister commented that if only I had titled my work 'Sex and Automation', it would have attracted more attention! With our two daughters now 12 and 16, we took our first sabbatical abroad, this time a year for Sid under the joint sponsorship of the Ford Foundation, the Italian government, and UC. Our year in Naples was a high point. When we returned to Berkeley in September I was considering another PhD in Romance Languages, just for the fun of it but but the Institute of Industrial Relations, under Art Ross and Peg Gordon, invited me to join their research program, 'Unemployment and the American Economy' and, always interested in adjustment to technological change, I designed a study of retraining programs.

    Technological advance was evident on every front. Not only the more mechanical aspects of handling data but the very process of managerial thinking were becoming subject to new concepts and theories. The 'dominant paradigm' embraced only the quantitative. What you could not count did not count.