Russian Social Democracy and the Legal Labour Movement, 1906–14

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    Martov L. Marx Karl —9 Kapital. Kritika politicheskoi ekonomii 3 vols. Kiev and New York: Orenshtein and Maizel. Marx Karl Grundrisse Harmondsworth: Penguin. Marx Karl Capital: a critique of political economy. Marx K. Bogdanovs und A. Mehring F. Mikhailov B.

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    Mikhailovskii N. Milonov Iu. Mitelkova R. Kommunisticheskaia partiia Sovetskogo Soiuza. Mitskevich S. Nechkina M. Neizvestnyi Bogdanov edited by N. Antonova and N. Drozdova 3 vols. Nevskii V. Lenin Sochineniia — Nezhdanov P. Balandina Volkhonka D. Tscherewanin A.

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    Nikolaevskii B. Baustein zu einer monistischen Weltanschauung Leipzig: Veit. Novoselov V. Bogdanova Moscow: Rossiiskaia akademiia nauk institut ekonomiki: — Obshchestvennoe dvizhenie v Rossii v nachale XX -go veka —14 4 vols.


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      Sbornik dokumentov —70 3 vols. Petriakov G. Philips Price M. Plekhanov G. Riazanov Moscow: Gosizdat. Plyutto P. Podliashuk P. Pokrovskii M. Pokrovsky M. London: Martin Lawrence Ltd. Polosatov N. Preobrazhensky E. Problems of Idealism. Problemy idealizma. Sbornik statei ed. Novogrodtsev Moscow: Izdanie moskovskogo psikhologicheskogo obshchestva. Read Christopher Culture and Power in Revolutionary Russia: the intelligentsia and the transition from tsarism to communism Houndmills Basingstoke Hampshire: Macmillan.

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      Zur Geschichte des russischen Positivismus Hildesheim: G. In Germany, the book was published in ; but in Russia, strict censorship outlawed its publication and distribution. Lenin said that if professional revolutionaries did not maintain control over the workers, then they would lose sight of the party's objective and adopt opposing beliefs, even abandon the revolution entirely. The book also showed that Lenin's view of a socialist intelligentsia was not in line with Marxist theory, which also created some party unrest. For example, Lenin agreed with the Marxist idea of eliminating social classes; but in his utopian society, there would still be visible distinctions between those in politics and the common worker.

      Most party members considered unequal treatment of workers immoral and were loyal to the idea of a completely classless society. This book also showed that Lenin opposed another group of reformers, known as "Economists", who were for economic reform while leaving the government relatively unchanged and who, in Lenin's view, failed to recognize the importance of uniting the working population behind the party's cause. Lenin wanted to limit membership to those who financially supported the party [7] [ verification needed ] and personally participated in it, thus limiting party membership to a smaller core of active members than those card carriers who might only be active in party branches from time to time or not at all.

      Martov wanted to extend membership to all those who contributed "by regular personal assistance under the direction of one of the party's organisations". The base of active and experienced members would be the recruiting ground for this professional core. Sympathizers would be left outside and the party would be organised based on the concept of democratic centralism.

      Martov, until then a close friend of Lenin, agreed with him that the core of the party should consist of professional revolutionaries, but he argued that party membership should be open to sympathizers, revolutionary workers, and other fellow travellers. The two had disagreed on the issue as early as March—May , but it was not until the Congress that their differences became irreconcilable and split the party.

      For example, Lenin's insistence on dropping less active editorial board members from Iskra or Martov's support for the Organizing Committee of the Congress which Lenin opposed. The differences grew and the split became irreparable. Internal unrest also arose over the political structure that was best suited for Soviet power.

      Lenin wanted to nationalize to aid in collectivization whereas Plekhanov thought worker motivation would remain higher if individuals were able to maintain their own property. Those who opposed Lenin and wanted to continue on the Marxist path towards complete socialism and disagreed with his strict party membership guidelines became known as "softs" while Lenin supporters became known as "hards".

      Some of the factionalism could be attributed to Lenin's steadfast belief in his own opinion and what was described by Plekhanov as Lenin's inability to "bear opinions which were contrary to his own" [12] and loyalty to his own self-envisioned utopia. Lenin was seen even by fellow party members as being so narrow-minded and unable to accept criticism that he believed that anyone who didn't follow him was his enemy.

      The two factions were originally known as "hard" Lenin's supporters and "soft" Martov's supporters , but the terminology soon changed to "Bolsheviks" and "Mensheviks", from the Russian bolshinstvo "majority" and menshinstvo "minority". Neither Lenin nor Martov had a firm majority throughout the Congress as delegates left or switched sides. At the end, the Congress was evenly split between the two factions.

      From on, English language articles sometimes used the term "Maximalist" for "Bolshevik" and "Minimalist" for "Menshevik", which proved confusing since there was also a "Maximalist" faction within the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party in — which after formed a separate Union of Socialists-Revolutionaries Maximalists and then again after The average party member was very young. In , Total membership was 8, in , 13, in and 46, by 8,, 18, and 38, for the Mensheviks. By , both factions together had fewer than , members. The two factions were in a state of flux in — with many members changing sides.

      The founder of Russian Marxism, Georgy Plekhanov , who at first allied himself with Lenin and the Bolsheviks, had parted ways with them by Trotsky at first supported the Mensheviks, but he left them in September over their insistence on an alliance with Russian liberals and their opposition to a reconciliation with Lenin and the Bolsheviks.

      He remained a self-described "non-factional social democrat" [ citation needed ] until August , when he joined Lenin and the Bolsheviks, as their positions resembled his and he came to believe that Lenin was right on the issue of the party.

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      Bolsheviks - Wikipedia

      The remaining member, with the power of appointing a new committee, was won over by the Bolsheviks. The lines between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks hardened in April when the Bolsheviks held a Bolsheviks-only meeting in London, which they called the 3rd Party Congress. The Mensheviks organised a rival conference and the split was thus finalized. The Bolsheviks played a relatively minor role in the Revolution and were a minority in the Saint Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Deputies led by Trotsky.

      However, the less significant Moscow Soviet was dominated by the Bolsheviks. These Soviets became the model for those formed in When the Mensheviks made an alliance with the Jewish Bund , the Bolsheviks found themselves in a minority. However, all factions retained their respective factional structure and the Bolsheviks formed the Bolshevik Centre , the de facto governing body of the Bolshevik faction within the RSDLP.

      At the Fifth Congress held in London in May , the Bolsheviks were in the majority, but the two factions continued functioning mostly independently of each other. Tensions had existed between Lenin and Alexander Bogdanov from as early as Lenin had fallen out with Nikolai Valentinov after Valentinov had introduced him to Ernst Mach 's Empiriocriticism, a viewpoint that Bogdanov had been exploring and developing as Empiriomonism.

      Having worked as co-editor with Plekhanov on Zayra , Lenin had come to agree with the Valentinov's rejection of Bogdanov's Empiriomonism. Lenin, Grigory Zinoviev , Lev Kamenev , and others argued for participating in the Duma while Bogdanov, Anatoly Lunacharsky , Mikhail Pokrovsky , and others argued that the social democratic faction in the Duma should be recalled.

      A smaller group within the Bolshevik faction demanded that the RSDLP central committee should give its sometimes unruly Duma faction an ultimatum, demanding complete subordination to all party decisions. This group became known as " ultimatists " and was generally allied with the recallists. With most Bolshevik leaders either supporting Bogdanov or undecided by mid when the differences became irreconcilable, Lenin concentrated on undermining Bogdanov's reputation as a philosopher. In , he published a scathing book of criticism entitled Materialism and Empirio-criticism , [23] assaulting Bogdanov's position and accusing him of philosophical idealism.

      However, this proposal was not adopted and Lenin tried to expel Bogdanov from the Bolshevik faction. With both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks weakened by splits within their ranks and by Tsarist repression, the two factions were tempted to try to re-unite the party. In January , Leninists, recallists, and various Menshevik factions held a meeting of the party's Central Committee in Paris. Kamenev and Zinoviev were dubious about the idea; but under pressure from conciliatory Bolsheviks like Victor Nogin , they were willing to give it a try.

      One of the underlying reasons that prevented any reunification of the party was the Russian police. The police were able to infiltrate both parties' inner circles by sending in spies who then reported on the opposing party's intentions and hostilities. Lenin was firmly opposed to any re-unification, but was outvoted within the Bolshevik leadership. The meeting reached tentative agreement, and one of its provisions was to make Trotsky's Vienna -based Pravda a party-financed central organ.

      Kamenev, Trotsky's brother-in-law who was with the Bolsheviks, was added to the editorial board; but the unification attempts failed in August when Kamenev resigned from the board amid mutual recriminations. The factions permanently broke relations in January after the Bolsheviks organised a Bolsheviks-only Prague Party Conference and formally expelled Mensheviks and recallists from the party. Unofficially, the party has been referred to as the Bolshevik Party.

      Throughout the 20th century, the party adopted a number of different names. As the party split became permanent, further divisions became evident. One of the most notable differences was how each faction decided to fund its revolution. The Mensheviks decided to fund their revolution through membership dues while Lenin often resorted to more drastic measures since he required a higher budget.